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Constitutional Reflections: Council of State critical of ban on priority housing for permit holders

Handelingenkamer

In the series Constitutional Reflections, Nick Efthymiou, Assistant Professor of Constitutional Law, and Wouter Scherpenisse, PhD candidate in the field of cybersecurity and the rule of law, both affiliated with Erasmus School of Law, discuss current constitutional issues. In this reflection, they share their insights on the advice of the Council of State (hereinafter: CoS) concerning the proposed ban on priority allocation for permit holders. Minister Keijzer of Housing and Spatial Planning and Minister for Asylum and Migration nevertheless intends to despite the negative advice of the CoS.

鈥溾楬ousing鈥 is at the top of the political agenda. This dossier will resurface repeatedly in the run-up to the elections. The problems with the housing supply are not limited to owner-occupied and regular rental housing. Social housing is also scarce, leading to ever-lengthening waiting times.鈥

The proposal

鈥淐aretaker minister Keijzer wants to amend the distribution of scarce social housing through a revision of the Housing Act. The proposal (Act on New Rules Concerning the Housing of Permit Holders) involves an amendment to Article 12, paragraph 4 of the Housing Act 2014. In short, the proposal concerns a (gradual) ban on priority allocation for permit holders. Permit holders are asylum seekers who have been granted a residence permit, also known as status holders. At present, municipalities can grant priority for social housing to specific groups whose 鈥樷, i.e. urgent cases. This includes, for example, informal carers and individuals residing in women鈥檚 shelters. The proposal singles out permit holders as the only group excluded from this priority scheme. All other urgent cases may still be eligible for priority, unless they are also permit holders.鈥

Negative advice from the Council of State

鈥淭he CoS has raised to the proposal and advised that it 鈥榮hould not be submitted to the House of Representatives鈥. This advice should prompt the Council of Ministers to reconsider the bill. stipulate that the consequences of an advisory opinion must be discussed if it contains 鈥榝undamental criticism of the substance鈥 of the proposal. The Council of Ministers may, however, disregard such advice, as the CoS鈥檚 opinion is not binding.

The CoS concludes that the ban is contrary to the constitutional right to equal treatment (Article 1 of the Constitution) in conjunction with the right to housing (Article 22(2) of the Constitution). Since permit holders, who face a disadvantaged position in the housing market and therefore typically belong to the urgent cases, are placed in an unequal position compared to most other housing seekers, a reasonable and objective justification must exist to single out one group of urgent cases from the priority scheme. According to the CoS, no such justification exists.

The CoS finds it implausible that the disadvantaged position of permit holders - such as later registration on waiting lists, weaker social networks, language barriers, and temporary shelter - will have been 鈥榥ormalised鈥 by the time the ban is expected to come into force on 1 July 2027. Furthermore, the CoS does not consider the government鈥檚 aim of ending positive discrimination and 鈥榯reating like cases alike鈥 a sufficient justification for the ban. The CoS argues that the government overlooks the factual inequality between permit holders and most other housing seekers. As long as this factual inequality persists, removing the priority scheme for permit holders conflicts with the right to equal treatment guaranteed by, among others, Article 1 of the Constitution. This right implies that as long as permit holders face a disadvantaged starting position compared to most other housing seekers, that inequality must be compensated.鈥

If the proposal is adopted: What can the courts do?

鈥淚t is also worth considering the scenario in which the States General adopts the proposal, enters into force, and is subsequently challenged in court. Could the courts then reach the same conclusion as the CoS, namely that there has been a violation of the right to equal treatment?

Our view is that the courts could indeed reach the same conclusion, but by a different route. Article 120 of the Constitution prevents courts from reviewing legislation 鈥 including this proposal, should it become law 鈥 against the Constitution. Once a law has been passed by the States General, it can no longer be declared 鈥榰nconstitutional鈥 by the courts. However, the route of international law remains available. Equal treatment is also enshrined in international treaties, as seen in Article 26 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and Article 14 of the European Convention on Human Rights. Based on Article 94 of the Constitution, the courts may review legislation against these treaty provisions.鈥

Assistant professor
Nick Efthymiou studied philosophy and legal administrative science at the University of Amsterdam, where he obtained his PhD in 2005 on a legal history study of constitutional law for the Dutch East Indies. He joined Erasmus University in 2003 and teaches constitutional law at both the undergraduate and graduate levels.
PhD student
Wouter Scherpenisse received his master's degree in constitutional and administrative law from Erasmus University in 2021 and has been teaching constitutional law ever since. He is working on a PhD on cybersecurity and accountability from a constitutional law perspective.
More information

At the top of the page you will see the Proceedings Room, a hidden gem in The Hague. Here rows of bound books can be found containing written reports and minutes of The House of Representatives. In fact, everything that is said in the Lower House appears in these so-called Proceedings Books. The Proceedings Room is part of the Justice Building, which is a design in neo-Holland Renaissance style by government architect Cornelis Hendrik Peters, a pupil of Cuypers. The Proceedings Room dates from 1883. The place where the Proceedings Books from the years 1940-1945 should have been is deliberately left empty, as a visible reminder that the Dutch parliament did not meet during those years.

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